Wednesday, April 8, 2026

Theory of Falling Rate of Profit: A Comparative Study (Smith, Ricardo, Marx)

Note: This article examines various propositions on the theory of “falling rate of profit.” A chronological survey of profit theories proposed by classical economists provides strong evidence that the profit rate in any economy tends to decline. It mainly explores the work of three great economists: Smith, Ricardo, and Marx.

Introduction

The general tendency of the profit rate, according to classical economists, is to decline as an economy expands. Here, profit does not refer to the profit of a single business or short-term gains; instead, it represents the long-term average profit of the entire economy. Classical economists argue that while short-term profits may fluctuate due to changes in demand and supply, the average rate of profit will eventually decline. They offer various explanations for this declining profit rate; each rooted in different aspects of economic behavior. Broadly, classical economists believe in the “inverse wage-profit relationship," meaning they see capital and labor as substitutes. As society progresses and the population grows, the increased demand for goods raises wages, which in turn lowers the profit rate for capitalists. Alternatively, as the economy expands, capitalists seek to maximize profits by substituting capital for labor. This over-accumulation of capital relative to labor ultimately leads to a continual decrease in the profit rate. Therefore, the overall growth trajectory of an economy is inherently linked to a declining profit rate.
This paper aims to outline the theories advocated by Adam Smith, David Ricardo, and Karl Marx. How their individual theories of profit support the “theory of the falling rate of profit” and how they have logically demonstrated it as a general tendency of an economy is the main focus of this paper. Additionally, this paper highlights some of the explanations these economists offer for other contemporary theories, using the theory of the falling rate of profit as a reference point. Sections I, II, and III explain the views of Smith, Ricardo, and Marx, respectively. Section IV concludes the paper by comparing these economists' theories of the falling rate of profit.

1. Adam Simt's View

Adam Smith, in his theory of profit, has neither provided a formal definition of profit nor a clear measure of the rate of profit. He has used the interest rate as a substitute for the profit rate. As he has stated:

“the usual market rate of interest varies in any country, we may be assured that the ordinary profits of stock must vary with it, must sink as it sinks, and rise as it rises. The progress of interest, therefore, may lead us to form some notion of the progress of profit” (p.122, The Wealth of Nations)

According to him, wages and profits in an economy fluctuate so rapidly that it is not possible to calculate the rate of profit at any specific point in time. However, the interest rate can provide some insight into the prevailing profit rate. Adam Smith aimed to explain the fluctuations in an economy's rate of profit. According to him, the rise and fall in profits depend on the stock of capital. He has mentioned:

“The increase of stock, which raises wages, tends to lower profit. When the stocks of many rich merchants are turned into the same trade, their mutual competition naturally tends to lower its profit” (p.123, The Wealth of Nations)

As an economy grows, the capital stock in any sector increases, leading to competition among capitalists. They start bidding against each other for labor. This ultimately raises wages and lowers the rate of profit. The same logic applies to all sectors of the economy, so the general or average rate of profit tends to decline as the stock of capital increases. In other words, society's growth is linked to a decreasing trend in profit.
He tried to establish empirical evidence to support this theory. Using England's legal interest rate, Smith attempted to identify the general trend in profits in that country. During Henry VIII's reign, the standard interest rate was 10 percent, whereas during Queen Anne's reign it was 5 percent. This indicates a declining trend in profits in England. Based on this evidence, Smith also observed that the country's wealth and wages had increased significantly after Henry VIII. This suggests that as the country progressed, wages increased while profits declined.
Smith has also tried to show that a higher stock of capital is always associated with higher wages and lower profits. In a large town where the stock of capital is greater, competition among capitalists raises wages and lowers the rate of profit. Conversely, in a small village, profits are high because wages are lower. This logic also applies to countries at different stages of development. That means a rich country, with a higher stock of capital, has a lower rate of profit due to higher wages, whereas in a less developed country, profits are very high. But during that period, both wages and profits were higher in North America and West Indian colonies. Smith explained this as the result of an abundance of land relative to capital stock. Since these countries still operated on the most fertile land, profit rates were high there.
However, he has mentioned that the overall profit of a wealthy economy may rise if it discovers new territories and new trade routes. This was the case with Great Britain, where stock profits have not declined since it acquired North America and the West Indies. Similarly, profit could also increase with a reduction in the country's capital stock, since it would lower the wage rate.
According to Smith, as an economy grows, the stock of capital increases, and when it reaches an advanced level of development, the rate of profit becomes so low that only wealthy individuals, who invest larger amounts, can survive on it. Small businesses cannot sustain themselves with such low profit rates. Another important point is that although rich countries have lower profit rates, their growth is faster than that of poor countries with higher profit rates. As he mentioned:

“great stock, though with small profits, generally increases faster than a small stock with great profits” (p.129-130, The Wealth of Nations)

2. David Ricardo's View

David Ricardo defines profit as a residual amount that the capitalist receives after paying wages to labor and rent to the landlord. In his theory of profit, he attempts to explain the persistent variation in the overall rate of profit. He has stated,

“Supposing corn and manufactured goods always to sell at the same price, profits would be high or low in proportion as wages were low or high” (p.64, The Principle of Political Economy and Taxation)

Thus, according to him, any change affecting wages can also affect the rate of profit. He has considered the case of raw produce prices or necessities that determine wages in an economy. If the price of raw produce increases, laborers will demand higher wages in both the agricultural and manufacturing sectors. This will lead to higher overall wages, and the profit rate will fall. The increase in raw produce prices will impact the profits of nearly all sectors of the economy, either directly or indirectly. He stated that any rise in the prices of silk or velvet will not affect wages in general since the labor class does not use these products. Only the price of raw produce influences wages and profits.
Here, profit refers to the general long-term profit, not the short-term profit of an individual investment, which may fluctuate with market conditions. According to him, an individual enterprise's profit increase due to higher demand is temporary, since higher profits will attract capital from other businesses, causing the quantity supplied to increase. This will lower the price and, consequently, reduce the profit rate in the long run. This process is associated with the gravitation mechanism.
After defining the inverse wage-profit relationship, meaning higher wages imply lower profit, Ricardo established the general trend of profit in an economy. According to him, as society and the population progress, the demand for food increases. To meet this rising demand, farmers will either cultivate less fertile land or adopt intensive production methods. As a farmer shifts his cultivation from high-quality land to lower-quality land, the crop price increases. This is because the price is always determined based on the marginal land or no-rent land. With rising crop prices, laborers will demand higher wages, reducing profit margins. Consider the following example.
From the table below, it is evident that as the farmer cultivates lower-quality land, the same amount of labor produces less and less output, and prices start increasing, since price is determined by the marginal land. This rise in crop prices will also lead to higher wages. Total revenue remains constant, but the farmer's share (profit) decreases as wages rise, and the profit rate declines. The rate of profit is defined as the ratio of profit to total capital invested. Labor is assumed to be constant, even though it produces less as the farmer moves from high- to low-quality land. In other words, the farmer must apply more and more labor to produce the same amount of output, which also reduces the rate of profit.

 
 Source: Modified from the original text

According to Ricardo, the natural tendency of profit is to fall as the economy and population grow. This happens because, to meet the increased demand for food, farmers shift to inferior quality land or adopt intensive production methods. In both cases, declining land productivity raises the prices of raw products, which in turn raises wages across various sectors of business, leading to a general fall in the rate of profit. If this trend continues, there will come a time when profit reaches zero. However, Ricardo argued that such a situation will never occur because investors will stop investing well before that point. The rate of profit falls in the long run, but this tendency can be checked. He has also mentioned:

“this tendency, this gravitation as it were of profits, is happily checked at repeated intervals by the improvements in machinery connected with the production of necessaries, as well as by discoveries in the science of agriculture” (p.71, The Principle of Political Economy and Taxation)

That means technological innovations and improvements in production methods can temporarily boost the rate of profit. Another point that Ricardo emphasizes is that the total profit can increase even as the rate of profit decreases. He also explains the differences in profit rates between the two countries. In a large, closed economy with poor land, a moderate accumulation of capital causes a greater decrease in the rate of profit, whereas in a small, open economy with fertile land, a large accumulation of capital may result in less reduction in profit.
Thus, Ricardo supports the “Theory of Falling Rate of Profit” and concludes his chapter on profit with the following statement:

“i have endeavored to show, first, that a rise of wages would not raise the price of commodities, but would invariably lower profits; and secondly, that if the prices of all commodities could be raised, still the effect on profits would be the same; and that in fact the value of medium only in which prices and profits are estimated would be lowered” (p.76, The Principle of political economy and Taxation)

3. Karl Marx's View

Karl Marx supports the theory of falling profits. He distinguishes between labor and capital by naming them variable capital, “v”, and constant capital, “c”, respectively, and the total of these two is the total capital, “C”. The value of constant capital remains constant throughout the production process, and it is labor that generates additional value. Labor is paid for this act of adding value, but the payment is less than the additional value created. Profit arises from this unpaid part of the total value generated in the production process, called Surplus Value, “S”. The ratio of surplus-value to variable capital (S/v) is called the rate of surplus-value or the degree of labor exploitation. The rate of profit is the ratio of surplus value to total capital (S/C). Thus, Marx has defined the rate of profit by separating it from the concept of the rate of surplus value. From these definitions of the rate of profit and the rate of surplus value, we have;
 
Here we can see that although the rate of surplus value remains the same, any change in the c/v will lead to a change in profit rate. This ratio of constant capital to variable capital is called the “organic composition” of total capital.
Marx, in chapter XIII of Volume III of Capital, explains that under a constant rate of surplus value, an increasing constant capital (c) results in a decreasing rate of profit. This happens because an increase in constant capital signifies a rise in total capital; with variable capital and the rate of surplus value remaining unchanged, the rate of profit falls. According to him:

“the same rate of surplus-value would express itself under the same degree of labour exploitation in a falling rate of profit, because the material growth of the constant capital implies also a growth albeit not in the same proportion in its value, and consequently in that of the total capital” (p.207, chapter XII; Capital-III)

According to him, this gradual increase in constant capital will occur across all sectors of the economy. Consequently, the average organic composition of capital in the economy will change as constant capital grows relative to variable capital. This results in a decline in the overall profit rate. Marx noted that the law of capitalist production is that development occurs through a decrease in variable capital relative to constant capital. That is, more output is produced by increasing capital relative to labor. This reduction in variable capital relative to constant capital mirrors an increase in the organic composition of capital. In other words, as society advances, labor productivity rises, meaning the same amount of labor can produce more than before, with an increasing amount of constant capital involved. As he stated:

“This continual relative decrease of the variable capital vis--vis the constant, and consequently the total capital, is identical with the progressively higher organic composition of the social capital in its average. It is likewise just another expression for the progressive development of the social productivity of labour, which is demonstrated precisely by the fact that the same number of labourers, in the same time, i.e., with less labour, converts an ever-increasing quantity of raw and auxiliary materials into products, thanks to the growing application of machinery and fixed capital in general”(p.208, chapter XII; Capital-III)

Hence, as an economy grows and the role of capital increases, every commodity contains a lesser amount of labor in it than before. This is the actual tendency of the capitalist mode of production, which is associated with relatively less variable capital or a progressively increasing organic composition of total capital, and, hence, the rate of profit falls. As he mentions:

“But proceeding from the nature of the capitalist mode of production, it is thereby proved a logical necessity that in its development the general average rate of surplus-value, must express itself in a falling general rate of profit” (p.209, chapter XII; Capital-III)

That means the development path of an economy is necessarily associated with a declining rate of profit. Up to this point, he has taken the rate of surplus-value to be constant. However, he has proved that this law also holds even as the rate of surplus-value increases. 
Consider the following example;
(1) 80c+20v=80c+20v+20s, rate of surplus value=100%, rate of profit=20%
(2) 20c+80v=20c+80v+40s, rate of surplus value=50%, rate of profit=40%
Here we can see that the rate of profit is lower in the case of a higher organic composition production process, despite the fact that it has a higher rate of surplus value than that of a low organic composition production process.
Similarly, Marx has asserted that although relative labor is decreasing, this does not mean that the mass of labor, and thereby the mass of surplus value, is not increasing. According to him, it is the relatively lower labour than capital in profits. Consider the following example;
(1) 80c+20v=80c+20v+20s, total capita=100, rate of profit=20%
(2) 200c+40v=200c+40v+40s, total capital=240, rate of profit= 16.6%
Here, it is clear that the relative decline in labor leads to a declining rate of profit, despite an increase in the mass of labor or the mass of surplus value.
After explaining the theory of falling profit, Marx discusses some contemporary theories using this concept. He states that since the law of falling profit applies at various stages of economic development, it also explains differences in profit rates among countries at different levels of development. This means that a developed country with a higher organic composition faces a lower profit rate than an underdeveloped country with a lower organic composition. However, this may not hold if labor in the underdeveloped country is less productive than in the developed one or if there are differences in working hours between the two countries. Lower productivity means less surplus value is generated, which can lead to a lower rate of profit. Conversely, fewer working hours of higher intensity can result in a higher surplus value.
Classical economists believe that, despite a decreasing rate of profit, aggregate profit increases over time, which seems contradictory. According to Marx, the accumulation of capital or the increased productivity of labor leads to overpopulation of workers because a small number of workers can produce the same amount of output with high constant capital. That means every increase in constant capital is accompanied by an excess of exploitable variable capital, or working population. Thus, there is no constraint on the growth of constant capital. With advances in the production process, the amount of constant capital increases, ultimately resulting in higher total profit. This is the nature of capitalist production, which is associated with a relatively declining variable capital, leading to overpopulation and facilitating capital expansion and profit increases, albeit at a decreasing rate. According to Marx, this dual effect—i.e., a falling rate of profit with an ever-increasing mass of profit—characterizes the system.
It is only possible if the rate of growth of total capital is higher than the rate at which profit falls. Consider the following example;
(1)80c+20v=80c+20v+20s, rate of surplus value=100%,rate of profit=20%
(2)200c+40v=200c+40v+40s, total capital= 240(+140%), rate of profit= 16.6%(-17%) (3)800c+100v=800c+100v+100s, total capital=900 (+270%), rate of profit=11.1%,(-33.1%)
In the first stage of production, with a total capital of 100 and a profit rate of 20%, the total profit is 20. As the economy grows and adopts more capital-intensive or labor-substituting technology, the total profit increases to 40. Similarly, in the third stage, this profit level rises to 100. Despite a fall in the profit rate, the total profit increases because, at each stage of development, the growth rate of total capital exceeds the rate at which profit decreases. In the second stage, total capital grows by 140%, while the profit rate falls by 17%. Likewise, in the third stage, the growth rate of total capital remains higher than the rate of profit decline. Therefore, the rate of increase in total capital must outpace the fall in profit for the capitalist to achieve a higher total profit. Finally, Marx noted that counteracting forces slow the decline in the rate of profit. These include increased exploitation, wage suppression below the value of labor-power, cheaper elements of constant capital, relative overpopulation, and foreign trade.

Conclusion

From the above discussion, it is clear that classical economists, mainly Adam Smith, David Ricardo, and Karl Marx, supported the theory of a falling rate of profit. However, each provided a different explanation and cause for the same theory. Because these theories are based on different but important economic relations, it is difficult to determine which one is superior. Smith noted that increasing competition among capitalists raises wages and lowers the overall rate of profit. He described England's growth path as being associated with a falling rate of profit. His theory, supported by empirical evidence, uniquely establishes the economic relationship.
On the other hand, Ricardo used the basic theory of decreasing land productivity to establish the theory of a falling rate of profit. According to him, economic growth increases the demand for food, and to meet this increased demand, farmers will start cultivating lower-quality land. This will raise the prices of raw poducts and increase wages across all spheres of production, ultimately decreasing the rate of profit.
One common point between Smith and Ricardo is that their theories of the falling rate of profit are based on the inverse wage-profit relationship. The increase in the wage rate is the ultimate cause of the fall in the profit rate. Both have indicated that societal growth will raise laborers' wages, although according to Smith, this will occur through the mechanism of competition and, according to Ricardo, through the mechanism of declining land productivity.
In contrast to Smith and Ricardo, Marx has defined the rate of profit by distinguishing it from the rate of surplus-value. He has explained that the relative decline in labor or the substitution of more and more capital for labor, which increases the “organic composition” of total capital, leads to a fall in the rate of profit and is a general trend associated with the capitalist mode of production. Marx's theory of the falling rate of profit holds that the relative decline in variable capital is driven by the introduction of labor-saving technology. An important point to note is that Ricardo argues that technological changes that reduce labor costs can increase the rate of profit, whereas Marx argues that labor-saving technology will further decrease the rate of profit through the surplus-value effect.
Another important distinction among Smith, Ricardo, and Marx lies in their approaches to the theory of falling profits. Smith described it empirically; Ricardo used natural phenomena such as “decreasing land productivity”; and Marx attempted to describe it in a somewhat scientific manner using the concept of surplus value. Despite these differences and criticisms, we can conclude that these theories of the falling rate of profits are logically strong within their respective analytical and assumed spectra.

References
(1) Marx, Karl; “Capital, Volume III”, Second Impression, Foreign Language Publishing House.
(2) Ricardo David, “The Principle of Political Economy and Taxation”, J.M. DENT Publication.
(3) Smith, Adam; “The Wealth of Nations”, Bantam Edition.

By
Dr. Akash Kumar Baikar
Assistant Professor of Economics
SBSS, MRIIRS (Faridabad)

To cite this article:
Akash K. Baikar (2026, April), Theory of Falling Rate of Profit: A Comparative Study (Smith, Ricardo, Marx), Eco-Bizz Blog Department of Economics.
https://ecobizzblog.blogspot.com/2026/04/theory-of-falling-rate-of-profit.html

Thursday, January 22, 2026

Comprehensive Development Assessment: Mizoram

Background Information on Mizoram

Mizoram literally means 'land of the hill people'. 'Mizo' means people living in the highland, and 'ram' means land, and thus means 'land of Mizos'. Mizoram is a landlocked state, bordered by Bangladesh to the west and Burma to the east. It also borders Tripura, Assam, and Manipur to the north. Like other North Eastern States, Mizoram was a part of Assam called the Mizo District. It became a Union Territory in 1972, carved out of Assam. Mizoram then became a full-fledged State on 20th February 1987 with the 53rd Constitutional Amendment of 1986[1].

Mizoram has a predominantly tribal population, and people practice Christianity, with a small percentage adhering to other religions. Mizoram is the focus of my report because of its unique cultural identity, natural beauty, and relatively lesser representation in mainstream discussions compared to other Indian states. Additionally, exploring Mizoram offers a deeper understanding of India's diversity, particularly the socio-political and environmental aspects of a region often overlooked in national discourse. Mizoram (“Land of the Mizos”) was known as the Lushai Hills District of Assam before it was renamed the Mizo Hills District in 1954. In 1972, it became a centrally administered union territory named Mizoram, and in 1987, it achieved statehood. Area 8,139 square miles (21,081 square km).

Demography

The demographic profile of Mizoram from 1981 to 2011 shows significant changes in population distribution, urbanization, and administrative structures. The number of districts in the state increased from 3 in 1991 to 8 by 2001, while sub-districts grew from 20 to 29 during the same period, reflecting administrative expansion and restructuring. The number of towns remained relatively stable, with a slight decrease from 23 in 1981 to 22 in 1991, but by 2011, there were 23 towns, with an increasing number recognized as statutory towns. Population density increased steadily from 23.42 persons per sq. km in 1981 to 52.05 in 2011, with urban population density rising sharply from 381.86 to 974.06 persons per sq. km, indicating a significant shift toward urban living. The urbanization rate also grew from 24.67% in 1981 to 52.11% in 2011, highlighting a trend of migration from rural to urban areas. The number of villages increased slightly from 785 to 830, but the proportion of smaller villages with populations under 500 decreased, while larger villages with populations over 1,000 grew significantly. Geographically, while the total area of Mizoram remained constant at 21,081 sq. km, urban areas expanded from 319 sq. km in 1981 to 587 sq. km in 2011, at the expense of rural areas. Overall, the data reflects a steady urbanization process, with significant growth in population density, changes in administrative boundaries, and a shift toward larger, more urbanized settlements. The total geographical area of Mizoram has remained constant at 21,081 sq. km across all periods, with the proportion of urban area growing from 319 sq. km in 1981 to 587 sq. km in 2011. This indicates an expansion of urbanization, but it still constitutes a small portion of the state's total area.

Agricultural Performance

Between 2020 and 2024, agricultural production showed notable fluctuations, with total output peaking in 2021 at 46.8 million tonnes before stabilizing around 39 million tonnes in subsequent years. Foodgrain and cereal production followed a similar trend, suggesting 2021 was a particularly productive year across multiple crop categories. Rice production remained relatively stable throughout, hovering around 34–36 million tonnes.

Figure1 shows that Rice is the dominant cereal and highly tracked across production, area, and yield. Pulses production is stable but relatively small and sometimes inconsistently reported. 2021 was a peak production year, possibly due to favourable weather or policy changes. Yield data (3rd block) suggests stable productivity post-2021.

Production is Peaked in 2021, then declined or stabilized. Area has so peaked in 2021, then fell—possibly due to crop switching or climate impacts. Yield generally improved over the years, especially in cereals and rice, indicating better productivity despite shrinking cultivated area. Pulses and arhar shows Low production and area; mostly absent in 2023 and 2024. Either not grown or poorly recorded. Overall, the data suggests a move toward more efficient farming practices, with better yields compensating for reduced cultivation area, although pulse crops continue to lag in both production and focus.

Table 1: Key Agricultural Statistics of Mizoram

Year

Agricultural products

Foodgrain

Cereals

Rice

Pulses

Arhar

Other pulses

2020

38.3

38.3

36

36

2.3

0.2

2.1

2021

46.8

43.5

41.3

35.7

2.2

0.2

1.9

2022

39.2

37.2

35

35

2.2

0.3

1.8

2023

39

37

34.9

34.9

2.1

0.3

1.8

2024

39

37

35

35

2

0

2

2020

38.8

34

34

34

0

0

0

2021

40.1

37

37

37

0

0

0

2022

40.2

36.3

34.4

34.4

1.9

0.3

1.6

2023

39.1

35.2

35.2

35.2

0

0

0

2024

38.3

34.4

34.4

34.4

0

0

0

2020

101.31

88.77

94.44

94.44

0

0

0

2021

85.68

85.06

89.59

103.64

0

0

0

2022

102.55

97.58

98.29

98.29

86.36

100

88.89

2023

100.26

95.14

100.86

100.86

0

0

0

2024

98.21

92.97

98.29

98.29

0

0

0

Source: CMIE States of India extracted on April 2025

Industrial Performance

Figure 2 shows from 2019–20 to 2022–23 reflects a relatively stable industrial landscape, with total operational units ranging between 206 and 215 over the four years. Key sectors such as the manufacture of food products, wearing apparel, and non-metallic mineral products have remained consistently active, suggesting they are core components of the local industry.

The wearing apparel sector, in particular, showed a slight increase and then maintained steady levels, indicating sustained demand. Meanwhile, the “Others” category gradually increased, hinting at diversification or the emergence of non-traditional manufacturing activities. On the other hand, sectors like printing and reproduction of recorded media experienced a complete decline, likely due to digital transformation.

Table 2: Sector Wise Number of Factories: All Industries

Year

2019-20

2020-21

2021-22

2022-23

Total

215

206

208

206

Crop and animal   Production

0

0

0

0

Other mining and quarrying

0

0

0

0

Manufacture of food   products

25

24

25

25

Manufacture of   beverages

4

4

4

4

Manufacture of   tobacco products

0

0

0

0

Manufacture of   textiles

31

29

29

27

Manufacture of   wearing apparel

29

31

31

31

Manufacture of paper   and paper products

3

3

4

3

Printing and reproduction of recorded media

3

3

0

0

Manufacture of   rubber and plastics   products

0

0

3

3

Manufacture of non-metallic mineral products

38

36

36

36

Manufacture of basic   metals

0

0

0

0

Manufacture except   machinery and equipment

18

16

16

15

Manufacture of   furniture

15

17

17

17

Others

26

28

28

30

Source: CMIE States of India extracted on April 2025

Overall, this data indicates a stable yet gradually evolving industrial structure with signs of both contraction in legacy sectors and growth in emerging areas. A table industrial base with certain traditional sectors like food, textiles, and apparel maintaining strong presence. There's a slight decline in some conventional sectors, possibly offset by growth in miscellaneous or emerging industries.  The lack of diversification in some key sectors (like basic metals or tobacco) may indicate sectoral gaps or regulatory constraints.

Education

Table-2 shows that Total Educational Institutions Increased from 2,371 to 3,894 institutions. Growth of 64% over 11 years and suggest strong government and community focus on expanding educational access. Junior Basic Schools (Primary Level) Grew from 1,224 to 1,855. this is the foundation of the education system, and the steady increase reflects an emphasis on improving early education. And also represents efforts to bring universal primary education closer to reality. Senior Basic Schools (Middle Level) rose from 734 to 1,383, nearly doubling. Also indicates successful retention and transition of students from primary to middle school. It also reflects investments in secondary-level education infrastructure. Post Basic Schools (High Schools) grew moderately from 383 to 543. Growth is slower compared to lower levels, which might reflect challenges in scaling post-basic education equally across all regions. Higher Secondary Schools from just 30 in 2000-01 to 113 in 2011-12, a 277% increase. This is the fastest-growing category proportionally. Indicates a significant push toward higher secondary and pre-university education, likely to improve eligibility for higher education and skilled employment.

Table 3: Number of Educational Institutions

Year

Total (Excluding Pre-primary schools)

Junior basic schools

Senior basic   schools

Post basic schools

Higher secondary schools

2000-01

2,371

1,224

734

383

30

2001-02

2,631

1,377

851

370

33

2002-03

2,489

1,253

848

339

49

2003-04

2,926

1,504

908

443

71

2004-05

2,932

1,481

939

445

67

2005-06

3,369

1,688

1,121

484

76

2006-07

3,362

1,700

1,081

501

80

2007-08

3,432

1,752

1,090

508

82

2008-09

3,624

1,783

1,253

502

86

2009-10

3,711

1,782

1,313

521

95

2010-11

3,810

1,821

1,353

538

98

2011-12

3,894

1,855

1,383

543

113

Source: CMIE States of India extracted on April 2025

Employment Scenario

Mizoram's male Labour Force Participation Rate (LFPR) is high but declining slightly, possibly due to migration, education continuation, or economic transitions. Female LFPR, while historically low, is increasing, especially among working-age women. Youth LFPR is dropping, particularly among males, possibly due to more youths staying in education longer or facing job market challenges. These trends suggest that gender gaps remain, but there are encouraging signs of female empowerment in the labour force.

Table 4: Labour force participation rate According to NSSO surveys

Year

Ages 15-29

Ages 15-59

Ages 15 and above

All ages

Male

Female

Male

Female

Male

Female

Total

Male

Female

2017-18

53.3

26.4

77.7

31.4

73.6

30

40

56.7

23.4

2018-19

41.8

21.9

73.2

30.9

68.7

29.2

39.5

55.3

23.5

2019-20

42.3

28.9

75.3

39.5

69.8

37

43.9

56.6

30.4

2020-21

40.1

25

74.6

42.9

70.3

41.7

45

55.8

33.3

2021-22

37.9

24.6

73.4

37.5

67.4

34.7

38.9

52.5

25.2

2022-23

31.1

25.2

73.7

49.5

67.2

45.1

41.7

50.6

32.7

2023-24

29

22.3

72.9

47.1

66.1

41.7

40.4

50.2

30.4

Source: CMIE States of India extracted on April 2025

The Labour Force Participation Rate (LFPR) in Mizoram from 2017-18 to 2023-24 reveals significant demographic and gender-based trends. Overall, the total LFPR across all ages has remained relatively stable, fluctuating around 40–45%, with a peak in 2020-21 at 45%. Male participation has consistently been higher than female participation, though it shows a gradual decline over the years—from 56.7% in 2017-18 to 50.2% in 2023-24. In contrast, female LFPR, while historically low, has seen notable improvement, rising from 23.4% to 30.4% in the same period. Among the youth (ages 15–29), male LFPR has dropped significantly (from 53.3% to 29%), suggesting increasing enrolment in education or difficulty in finding employment, whereas female participation in this group has remained low and relatively unchanged. In the prime working-age group (15–59 years), male participation slightly decreased, while female participation rose substantially from 31.4% to 47.1%, indicating increased economic engagement by women. For the broader 15+ age group, similar trends persist, with declining male and rising female participation. Overall, the data reflects a narrowing gender gap in labor force involvement, likely influenced by social, economic, and educational developments, even as youth employment emerges as a concern.

State Domestic Product

The Gross State Value Added (GSVA) and Gross State Domestic Product (GSDP) data for Mizoram from 2011-12 to 2023-24 (at current prices, with base year 2011-12) highlights a steady and significant growth trajectory for the state's economy. Over this 13-year period, GSVA has more than quadrupled, rising from ₹74,300.80 million in 2011-12 to ₹3,28,632.80 million in 2023-24. Similarly, the GSDP increased from ₹72,586.90 million to ₹3,42,887.80 million, reflecting consistent expansion across sectors and increasing economic activity within the state.

Table 5: Gross State Value Added (GSVA) and Gross State Domestic Product (GSDP) at Current Prices: Base Year 2011-12

Year

GSVA at basic prices

Taxes on products

Subsidies on products

GSDP

Per capita GSDP

Rs. million

Rs. million

Rs. million

Rs. million

Rupees

2011-12

74,300.80

2,322.60

4,036.50

72,586.90

65,347.20

2012-13

85,131.50

2,743.40

4,255.60

83,619.30

73,708.20

2013-14

1,01,340.70

3,581.90

1,988.90

1,02,933.70

88,843.20

2014-15

1,33,439.00

3,656.00

2,001.00

1,35,094.00

1,15,366.40

2015-16

1,48,142.20

5,226.80

1,980.40

1,51,388.60

1,27,003.80

2016-17

1,66,888.00

6,418.40

1,387.30

1,71,919.10

1,41,613.70

2017-18

1,88,080.20

6,929.80

1,156.70

1,93,853.30

1,64,981.50

2018-19

2,10,597.30

9,867.80

1,344.30

2,19,120.80

1,84,756.20

2019-20

2,41,325.30

9,891.10

1,320.40

2,49,896.00

2,08,594.30

2020-21

2,33,017.10

10,088.70

3,876.30

2,39,229.40

1,97,710.30

2021-22

2,58,789.40

12,391.20

4,228.00

2,66,952.60

2,18,634.40

2022-23

2,95,756.90

16,046.10

4,797.40

3,07,005.70

2,48,990.80

2023-24

3,28,632.80

19,128.40

4,873.30

3,42,887.80

2,75,633.30

Source: CMIE States of India extracted on April 2025

The per capita GSDP, an important indicator of individual prosperity, has shown strong growth as well — from ₹65,347.20 in 2011-12 to ₹2,75,633.30 in 2023-24 — a more than fourfold increase. This implies that, on average, the income of individuals in Mizoram has risen significantly, suggesting improving living standards and economic well-being. The gap between GSVA and GSDP is influenced by net taxes on products (taxes minus subsidies). Over time, tax revenues have increased substantially, from ₹2,322.60 million in 2011-12 to ₹19,128.40 million in 2023-24, indicating a growing tax base and improved fiscal capacity of the state. While subsidies have also risen somewhat, their growth has been more modest and less consistent, showing a shift towards a more revenue-oriented model of development.

Investments

The investment data over the years, when interpreted in the context of Mizoram, reveals a complex picture of long-term ambitions, intermittent progress, and structural inefficiencies in the implementation of projects. There are clear instances of major spikes in new investment project announcements, such as in 2013-14 (₹1,88,719.10 crore), 2017-18 (₹98,490.40 crore), and 2024-25 (₹1,39,650 crore), suggesting either centrally-funded mega infrastructure projects, or broader development schemes being planned for the state. However, these grand announcements have not always translated into timely completion of projects. For example, project completions have remained significantly low or stagnant in many years, with only a few exceptions like 2017-18 (₹15,244.10 crore completed) and 2023-24 (₹15,001.70 crore). The persistent accumulation of outstanding projects—rising from around ₹45,566 crore in 2000-01 to over ₹5 lakh crore by 2024-25—indicates a severe implementation gap. A substantial portion of these remain either "under implementation" or delayed due to lack of updated information, suggesting bureaucratic delays, logistical bottlenecks, and possibly insufficient institutional capacity within the state to manage and execute large-scale investments efficiently. The consistent increase in the "under implementation" category over time (peaking at ₹4.2 lakh crore in 2024-25) also points to chronic delays and backlogs.

Table 6: Investment by All Projects (in Rs. Crore)

Year

New investment   projects announced

Investment projects completed

Investment projects outstanding

Investment projects outstanding

Total

Under implementation

2000-01

5,226.00

45,566.50

21,366.50

2001-02

2,280.00

4,200.00

43,914.80

22,614.80

2002-03

7,918.10

51,832.90

23,914.80

2003-04

314.2

54,369.20

26,136.90

2004-05

54,369.20

21,783.90

2005-06

1,080.00

53,289.20

21,783.90

2006-07

205.9

894

980

52,319.50

8,301.50

2007-08

700

12,588.40

41,523.50

7,601.50

2008-09

29,743.30

71,266.80

13,439.60

2009-10

80,736.40

1,53,153.10

13,439.60

2010-11

4,936.60

1,220.20

2,03,518.90

47,302.80

2011-12

1,698.70

715.2

1,60,446.00

66,704.60

2012-13

7,442.60

1,67,533.50

69,152.10

2013-14

1,88,719.10

52

1,460.30

3,52,246.30

60,111.80

2014-15

238.5

237.6

3,56,514.80

85,141.80

2015-16

1,700.00

200

5,494.30

3,57,201.30

73,753.40

2016-17

23,076.10

130

4,21,616.00

1,50,770.30

2017-18

98,490.40

15,244.10

27,518.10

5,01,176.00

2,18,922.90

2018-19

22,211.00

2,005.60

2,951.70

5,22,109.70

2,22,602.90

2019-20

13,865.70

10,000.00

5,31,009.90

2,31,187.10

2020-21

9,350.00

892

5,000.00

5,39,507.90

2,47,054.90

2021-22

25,872.30

4,062.50

4,01,967.10

2,46,755.60

2022-23

1,268.10

1,315.10

4,130.00

4,03,592.80

2,59,714.20

2023-24

381.9

15,001.70

27,632.70

4,09,722.70

2,86,944.20

2024-25

1,39,650.00

2,867.80

37,391.00

5,02,419.00

4,20,399.30

Source: CMIE States of India extracted on April 2025

Overall, Mizoram's investment environment appears to be characterized by ambitious planning but slow execution, with massive capital commitments piling up over decades but not resulting in proportionate developmental outcomes. Addressing these structural inefficiencies through better governance, faster clearances, improved infrastructure, and stronger institutional frameworks will be key to realizing the full potential of these investments and transforming them into real economic benefits for the state.

Price Level and Inflation

The Consumer Price Index (CPI) data for Mizoram from 2011–12 to 2024–25, with 2012 as the base year, reflects a clear and steady rise in inflation across all major consumption categories. The general index rose from 94.9 in 2011–12 to 190.2 in 2024–25, indicating that overall consumer prices have nearly doubled over the period. Inflation has been more pronounced in rural areas, where the index reached 206.2, compared to 180.0 in urban areas, suggesting that rural households have faced greater cost pressures.

The food and beverages category, a significant component of household spending, saw its index rise from 93.8 to 199.1, with rural inflation slightly higher than urban, pointing to increasing food costs in less urbanized areas. Prices for pan, tobacco, and intoxicants rose even more sharply, with the index jumping from 88 to 225.1, again with rural areas experiencing higher inflation. Fuel and light witnessed some of the steepest price increases, particularly in urban areas, where the index reached 234.2 in 2024–25. These trends highlight a broad-based inflationary environment in Mizoram, with essential commodities like food and fuel driving up the cost of living, especially for rural populations. The general index rose from 94.9 in 2011–12 to 190.2 in 2024–25, indicating that overall prices have roughly doubled over this period.

Table 7: Consumer Price Index, Base Year: 2012

Year

General Index

Food & beverages

Pan, tobacco & intoxicants

Fuel & light

Total

Urban

Rural

Total

Urban

Rural

Total

Urban

Rural

Total

Urban

Rural

2011-12

94.9

93.9

96.5

93.8

92.6

95.3

88

91.3

84.4

95.8

94.5

97.4

2012-13

102.9

101.8

104.5

103.8

102.4

105.5

103

102.4

103.7

101.7

101.6

101.9

2013-14

112.9

110.1

117.4

117.6

113

123.2

118.6

116.3

121.2

106.1

106.2

105.9

2014-15

120.2

115.9

127.1

129.3

121.3

139

131.4

124.4

139.3

110.1

111.8

108.2

2015-16

125

121.1

131.1

133.4

126.6

141.8

130.4

133.7

126.6

120.7

117.2

124.7

2016-17

127.7

123.9

133.6

133.3

128.5

139.1

134.9

137.5

132

122.5

120.1

125.3

2017-18

130.2

126.5

135.8

135.5

131.1

141

136.6

139.2

133.6

127.8

125

131

2018-19

133.4

130.1

138.6

137.9

134.5

142.1

140.6

144.2

136.5

133.8

128.5

139.9

2021-22

163.3

161.4

166.3

170.7

174

166.6

187.4

198.1

175.3

191.6

209.4

171.3

2022-23

176.2

170.6

185

181.7

182.4

180.8

205.8

211.8

199

228.4

252.7

200.6

2023-24

184

173.6

200.3

190.9

186.2

196.7

215.8

214.7

217

226.5

246.6

203.4

2024-25

190.2

180

206.2

199.1

196.2

202.7

225.1

218.8

232.2

213.4

234.2

189.6

Source: CMIE States of India extracted on April 2025

Rural inflation has consistently outpaced urban inflation, with the rural index rising to 206.2 compared to 180.0 in urban areas by 2024–25. This suggests that price increases have been sharper in rural Mizoram, potentially due to supply chain issues, transportation costs, or localized market dynamics. Food and beverages shows saw a steep rise from 93.8 in 2011–12 to 199.1 in 2024–25, almost 113% growth. While both urban and rural areas saw similar trends, rural food inflation consistently stayed slightly higher, peaking at 202.7 in 2024–25.  Given food's large weight in rural consumption, this points to increasing cost-of-living pressure in those areas. This category witnessed the highest inflation, rising from 95.8 in 2011–12 to 213.4 in 2024–25, peaking even higher in earlier years.

Banking Sector

The data on the number of banking offices by bank group in Mizoram from 2000–01 to 2023–24 reflects a steady and significant expansion of the state’s banking infrastructure over the years. The total number of all scheduled commercial banks increased from 79 in 2000–01 to 235 in 2023–24, nearly tripling over two decades, indicating the state’s growing financial inclusion and economic development. Among these, public sector banks have been the primary drivers of this growth, with their offices rising from 26 to 81 over the same period. Within public sector banks, both the State Bank of India (SBI) & its associates and nationalised banks steadily increased their presence until data for sub-categories was discontinued after 2016–17. By 2016–17, SBI and its associates operated 45 branches, while nationalised banks had 38, reflecting a strong footprint of major national banks in the state.

A particularly notable trend is the consistent growth of Regional Rural Banks (RRBs) — from 53 branches in 2000–01 to 107 in 2023–24.

Table 8: Number of Banking Offices by Bank Group

Year

All scheduled commercial banks

Public sector banks

State bank of India & its associates

Nationalised banks

Regional rural banks

2000-01

79

26

24

2

53

2001-02

80

27

25

2

53

2002-03

79

27

25

2

52

2003-04

79

27

25

2

52

2004-05

80

28

25

3

52

2005-06

80

28

25

3

52

2006-07

85

32

27

5

52

2007-08

90

30

22

8

59

2008-09

94

32

23

9

59

2009-10

98

34

25

9

59

2010-11

100

36

26

10

59

2011-12

111

43

30

13

60

2012-13

122

50

32

18

60

2013-14

141

62

36

26

66

2014-15

151

71

41

30

66

2015-16

167

71

39

32

79

2016-17

186

83

45

38

85

2017-18

191

84

86

2018-19

192

78

86

2019-20

203

78

88

2020-21

210

79

92

2021-22

220

79

102

2022-23

227

80

104

2023-24

235

81

107

Source: CMIE States of India extracted on April 2025

This reflects focused efforts to extend banking services into rural and remote areas of Mizoram, supporting agriculture, small businesses, and rural livelihoods.  This expansion supports broader financial inclusion goals and indicates enhanced access to credit, savings, and other financial services for the people of the state, especially in underserved areas.

State Government Finance

The public finance data of Mizoram from 2000–01 to 2023–24 reflects significant growth in the state’s financial receipts, indicating an expanding economy and increased fiscal activity. Total state government receipts rose from ₹11,312.90 crore in 2000–01 to ₹1,30,552.60 crore in 2023–24, showing more than a tenfold increase over two decades. This growth has been driven primarily by rising revenue receipts, which climbed from ₹8,282.20 crore to ₹1,14,140.50 crore during the same period, reflecting improved tax collection, increased central transfers, and stronger financial management.

Table 9: State Government Receipts (in Rs. Crore)

Year

Total

Total revenue

Capital receipts

2000-01

11,312.90

8,282.20

3,030.70

2001-02

12,778.50

8,678.00

4,100.50

2002-03

14,601.40

10,216.10

4,385.30

2003-04

19,536.70

13,709.50

5,827.20

2004-05

18,769.20

15,018.70

3,750.50

2005-06

21,804.70

16,536.50

5,268.20

2006-07

22,149.30

19,689.40

2,459.90

2007-08

27,916.40

20,397.40

7,519.00

2008-09

27,894.70

26,531.30

1,363.40

2009-10

30,205.80

29,635.10

570.7

2010-11

47,130.30

33,747.10

13,383.20

2011-12

49,471.00

40,118.10

9,352.90

2012-13

51,827.00

45,367.40

6,459.60

2013-14

59,212.70

47,648.50

11,564.20

2014-15

66,982.70

55,111.10

11,871.70

2015-16

67,765.40

66,764.00

1,001.50

2016-17

76,400.20

73,983.00

2,417.20

2017-18

94,152.00

85,801.90

8,350.00

2018-19

92,560.70

90,395.00

2,165.70

2019-20

1,14,522.80

96,582.60

17,940.20

2020-21

98,766.40

77,406.70

21,359.70

2021-22

98,331.90

91,597.40

6,734.50

2022-23

1,17,613.10

1,02,820.60

14,792.60

2023-24

1,30,552.60

1,14,140.50

16,377.30

Source: CMIE States of India extracted on April 2025

Capital receipts, which include borrowings and other non-revenue sources, also grew, though more unevenly—from ₹3,030.70 crore in 2000–01 to ₹16,377.30 crore in 2023–24. Notably, capital receipts surged in years like 2010–11 and 2020–21, likely due to increased borrowing needs during financial strain or crises such as the COVID-19 pandemic. The trend from 2015–16 to 2018–19 showed relatively lower capital dependency, suggesting improved fiscal health, but subsequent years saw renewed increases in borrowing. Overall, Mizoram’s fiscal trajectory highlights strong growth in revenue generation capacity alongside continued reliance on capital inflows to support development and manage deficits. From 2000–01 to around 2014-15, revenue receipts and capital receipts grew steadily and proportionally. Between 2015-16 and 2018-19, the state showed strong revenue growth, with relatively lower reliance on capital receipts — a sign of healthier fiscal consolidation.

Energy

Mizoram initially relied heavily on diesel-based thermal power. Mid-2000s saw investments in infrastructure, raising capacity. By the 2010s, there was a shift away from thermal (diesel) — likely due to environmental, economic, and policy factors.  Recent increases in installed capacity (2020s) suggest a renewable energy transition, possibly solar/hydro.

Table 10: Gross Installed Capacity of Power Plants (Excluding Central Sector)

Year

Gross installed capacity, Electricity

Utilities

Utilities

Utilities

Utilities

Total

Thermal

Thermal

Hydro

Total

Diesel

2000-01

37.2

28.9

28.9

8.3

2001-02

37.2

28.9

28.9

8.3

2002-03

37.2

28.9

28.9

8.3

2003-04

32.9

28.9

28.9

4

2004-05

56.1

51.9

51.9

4

2005-06

66.8

51.9

51.9

4.1

2006-07

69.3

51.9

51.9

4.1

2007-08

69.3

51.9

51.9

2008-09

69.3

51.9

51.9

2009-10

80.3

51.9

51.9

0

2011-12

88.3

2012-13

88.3

51.9

51.9

0

2013-14

88.3

51.9

51.9

0

2014-15

88.3

51.9

51.9

0

2015-16

36.6

0

0

0

2016-17

41.6

0

0

0

2017-18

36.7

2018-19

37

0

0

0

2019-20

38

0

0

0

2020-21

38

0

0

0

2021-22

44.4

0

0

0

2022-23

73.5

0

0

0

Source: CMIE States of India extracted on April 2025

The energy data for Mizoram from 2000 to 2023 shows a clear transition in the state’s power generation profile. In the early 2000s, Mizoram’s gross installed capacity remained stable at around 37.2 MW, with the majority derived from diesel-based thermal plants (28.9 MW) and a smaller share from hydroelectric sources (8.3 MW). A significant expansion occurred around 2004–2010, with installed capacity increasing to 80.3 MW, largely due to continued reliance on diesel power, while hydro capacity gradually declined to zero by 2009–10. The capacity peaked at 88.3 MW between 2011 and 2015, after which the state saw a sharp drop in capacity to about 36–41 MW from 2015 to 2018, with no operational thermal or hydro plants recorded during this period—indicating possible decommissioning or disuse of older diesel units. From 2019 onward, Mizoram began steadily increasing its installed capacity again, reaching 73.5 MW by 2022–23. Notably, this recent growth occurred without contributions from either thermal or hydro sources, suggesting a strategic shift towards alternative energy sources, most likely renewables such as solar.

Trade

Table shows data for Mizoram over the years reflects a fragile and inconsistent export profile, marked by occasional spikes rather than sustained growth. The state has shown some potential in non-petroleum exports, particularly in agricultural and allied products, as well as small-scale manufactured goods, with notable peaks in 2017-18 and 2018-19. However, these gains are not consistent across years, pointing to underlying structural challenges such as limited infrastructure, poor connectivity, and a lack of large-scale industrial activity. Exports of petroleum and crude products are minimal and sporadic, which aligns with the fact that Mizoram does not have significant petroleum resources or refining capacity. The sharp rise in total exports in certain years, such as 2015-16 and 2021-22, likely stems from one-off projects or government-supported initiatives rather than a robust trade ecosystem. Overall, Mizoram’s trade conditions suggest an economy that is primarily agrarian and reliant on central assistance, with significant potential for growth if supply chains, infrastructure, and market access are improved.

Table 11: State Exports of Principal Commodities in Indian Rupees (DGCI&S)

Year

All commodities

Petroleum & crude products

Non-Petroleum products

Total

Agricultural & allied products

Ores & minerals

Manufactured goods

Other commodities

2013-14

5.6

5.6

2.4

3.2

0

2014-15

17.1

5.5

11.6

10.8

0.4

0.5

2015-16

90.4

90.4

1.4

89

2016-17

1.9

1.9

1.9

2017-18

69

5.9

63

42.3

11.9

4.8

4.1

2018-19

97.3

5.4

91.9

49.6

7.9

25.8

8.6

2019-20

13.9

2

11.8

7.6

0.1

4

0.2

2020-21

32.7

2021-22

285.3

2022-23

2.9

2.9

2.9

2023-24

5.3

5.3

0.5

Source: CMIE States of India extracted on April 2025

There's high volatility in export values across years. For example, the total export value shot up dramatically in 2015-16 (₹90.4 crore) and 2021-22 (₹285.3 crore), but dropped significantly in adjacent years. This inconsistency likely reflects project-based or sporadic exports, not sustained industrial or trade growth. These show low and inconsistent contributions, suggesting that Mizoram likely imports more petroleum than it exports. The few entries (e.g., ₹5.9 crore in 2017-18) could reflect re-export or trade through central agencies rather than state-level production.  Mizoram lacks large refineries or petroleum reserves, so this aligns with expectations. The state has stronger exports in non-petroleum sectors, particularly in Agricultural & allied products: High in 2017-18 (₹42.3 crore) and 2018-19 (₹49.6 crore), reflecting Mizoram’s agrarian base (e.g., ginger, turmeric, fruits).

Corporate Sector

The corporate sector data for Mizoram from 2014–15 to 2024–25 highlights a consistent and noteworthy growth in the number of companies registered with the Ministry of Corporate Affairs (MCA). Starting with just 96 registered companies in 2014–15, the number steadily increased each year, reaching 460 by 2024–25—an almost fivefold rise over a decade. This upward trend reflects a growing entrepreneurial environment and improved ease of doing business in the state. The number of active companies has also seen a significant increase, from a mere 2 in 2014–15 to 362 in 2024–25, indicating better business sustainability and operational stability. Although the number of closed companies has also risen—from 53 in 2014–15 to 96 in recent years—this is proportionate to the overall growth in registrations and may suggest natural market churn or business restructuring. The count of companies under the process of being struck off has generally remained low, with a notable decline in recent years, suggesting improved regulatory compliance and active status maintenance by businesses. Overall, Mizoram's corporate sector shows a healthy and expanding business environment with increasing formalization and participation in the national corporate framework.

Table 12: Outstanding Number of Companies Registered with Ministry of Corporate Affairs (MCA)

Year

Registered

Active

Closed

Under the process of   struck off

2014-15

96

2

53

7

2015-16

104

37

53

7

2016-17

116

46

54

9

2017-18

131

65

58

8

2018-19

153

84

62

7

2019-20

179

105

67

7

2020-21

197

128

67

2

2021-22

266

190

76

2022-23

312

218

94

2023-24

386

289

96

2024-25

460

362

96

1

Source: CMIE States of India extracted on April 2025

The number of active companies has also increased substantially, from just 2 in 2014–15 to 362 in 2024–25, highlighting a shift toward greater operational stability and business sustainability. The rise in active companies suggests that the business environment in Mizoram has become more conducive for companies to start and continue their operations. On the other hand, the number of closed companies has also risen over the years, from 53 in 2014–15 to 96 in 2024–25, though this is in line with the overall increase in registrations and likely reflects market dynamics, including business closures, mergers, or restructuring. The number of companies under the process of being struck off has remained relatively low and fluctuated between 2 and 9 until 2024–25, where only 1 company was under the process of being struck off. This decline in struck-off companies suggests that businesses are increasingly complying with regulatory requirements, maintaining active statuses, and reducing the number of inactive or non-compliant entities.

Crime

The data on complaints received and cognizable crimes registered by the police in Mizoram from 2001 to 2021 shows notable trends in crime reporting, law enforcement response, and crime rates in the state. In the early years, such as 2001, 3,471 complaints were received, with the majority being written complaints (2,926) and the rest being suo -moto complaints initiated by the police (545).

Table 13: Complaints Received and Cases Registered for Cognizable Crimes by Police

Year

Complaints received by category

Incidence of cognizable crime

Total

Total

Written

Suo-moto by police

Total

Indian penal code

Special local laws

Rank

Numbers

Numbers

Numbers

Numbers

Numbers

Numbers

15

2001

3,471

2,926

545

3,379

2,246

1,133

12

2002

4,017

3,572

445

4,016

2,820

1,196

10

2003

4,464

3,191

1,267

4,464

3,456

1,008

19

2004

3,111

2,280

820

2,291

1,515

776

14

2005

3,370

3,370

0

3,370

2,156

1,214

14

2006

3,050

2,421

629

3,050

2,073

977

15

2007

2,907

2,083

824

2,907

2,083

824

18

2008

2,681

2,536

145

2,681

1,989

692

17

2009

2,789

2,152

637

2,789

2,047

742

17

2010

3,144

2,172

758

3,006

2,174

832

19

2011

2,866

2,439

290

2,729

1,821

908

19

2012

2,560

2,220

209

2,462

1,766

696

23

2013

3,289

2,822

454

2,273

1,709

564

18

2014

2,575

1,130

227

2,575

2,140

435

17

2015

2,579

1,270

190

2,575

2,228

347

15

2016

2,800

2,425

375

2017

2,738

2,118

620

2018

2,351

1,774

577

24

2019

2,880

2,379

501

2020

2,289

1,787

502

2021

3,196

2,467

729

Source: CMIE States of India extracted on April 2025

The number of cognizable crimes registered that year was 3,379, which included both crimes under the Indian Penal Code (IPC) and Special Local Laws. The state ranked 12th in terms of the incidence of cognizable crimes, reflecting a moderate crime rate relative to other states. The trend of complaints and cognizable crimes remained relatively stable through the early 2000s. In 2002, there was a slight increase in complaints to 4,017, and cognizable crimes rose to 4,016, reflecting an increase in crime reporting. However, the crime rate was still moderate, with the state ranking 10th in terms of incidents of cognizable crimes. A significant spike in complaints occurred in 2003, with 4,464 complaints received and 4,464 cognizable crimes registered. The crime rate surged in this year, and Mizoram ranked 19th in the country, showing a concerning trend of rising crime.

Conclusion

In conclusion, this report on Mizoram has provided an extensive overview of the state's geography, history, culture, economy, and governance, among other important aspects. Mizoram, located in the northeastern region of India, is a land of scenic beauty, with lush green hills, valleys, and rivers that create an idyllic backdrop. The state’s unique geographical location makes it one of the most significant and beautiful parts of the country. The history of Mizoram is rich and complex, shaped by its indigenous people, including the Mizo tribes, and their interactions with various outside forces. The evolution of the state from a remote hill station under British colonial rule to its present-day status as a peaceful state within the Indian Union demonstrates the resilience and determination of its people. The Mizo Accord of 1986, which brought an end to the insurgency, remains a key milestone in the history of Mizoram. It serves as a testimony to the state’s commitment to peace and development. Commitment to education ensures that its future generations are well-equipped to face the challenges of a rapidly changing world. Moreover, the healthcare system is also showing improvements, though there is still a need for further expansion and modernization to cater to the growing population.

Governance in Mizoram has seen significant progress over the years. The state is governed by a democratic framework with a functioning legislative assembly, and the people actively participate in the political process. The Mizo National Front (MNF) and other local political parties have been central in shaping the state’s policies. The peaceful nature of the state, bolstered by effective governance and the resolution of past conflicts, has contributed to its stability. In terms of infrastructure, the state is witnessing gradual but steady improvements, particularly in road connectivity, healthcare facilities, and telecommunications. However, there is still room for more development in sectors like transportation and industrial growth, which will further boost the state’s economic prospects.


[1] SOURCE: https://protocol.mizoram.gov.in/page/profile-of-mizoram
Data Source: CMIE States of India database, 
Courtesy: MRIIRS SBSS, Computer Lab (BS-03)
 
By 
Tanisha Hooda
B.A. Economics(H), AY 2023-26